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A Response to Arc. Nya-Etok Ezekiel’s “Public Statement”.

My cerebral and well respected brother, Arc. Nya-Etok Ezekiel’s public statement presents itself as a manifesto of conscience, reason, and principled leadership. It is written in the language of conviction, Scripture, and civic responsibility. Yet, beneath this polished rhetoric lies a troubling contradiction; the widening gap between what is proclaimed and what is practised.

Arc. Ezekiel describes his appointment under Bola Ahmed Tinubu as a “call to national service.” Yet barely two years into that service, he has transformed his public office into a political platform for endorsements.

If public office is truly a trust, it should not become a springboard for partisan mobilisation. The moment a serving Executive Director of the state uses his institutional stature to organise political endorsements, neutrality collapses. What is presented as “service” begins to resemble political investment.

Public trust is not preserved by speeches about integrity, it is preserved by restraint.

We are told that Arc. Ezekiel did not join the APC immediately because he “lives by conviction.” This narrative invites skepticism.
If conviction was truly the guiding force, why did it align perfectly with career security and political advantage? For clarity, he was appointed by an APC government, remains in office, observes quietly and once fully embedded, he declares loyalty.

This is not moral discernment, it looks more like political calibration.
Conviction that matures only after one is safely positioned is not courage. It is caution, dressed up as principle.

Quoting 1 Peter 3:15 gives the impression of moral grounding. But Scripture is not validated by citation; it is validated by conduct.
When public officials invoke faith while endorsing political actors whose records are burdened by controversy, governance failures, and ethical questions, faith becomes a rhetorical shield rather than a moral compass.

Spiritual language should illuminate truth, not obscure uncomfortable realities.

Arc. Ezekiel promises “data-driven, performance-based” endorsements for Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Umo Eno and Godswill Akpabio

This raises a fundamental question; what data, benchmarks, independent audits and citizen-led evaluations?

Nigeria today faces deepening poverty, currency instability, youth unemployment, worsening insecurity, millions of out of school children and institutional distrust

Any “performance-based” endorsement that does not seriously confront these realities is not evidence-driven. It is selective storytelling.

Reason is not demonstrated by PowerPoint slides, it is demonstrated by confronting failure honestly.

The proposed town hall is strictly by invitation, with “selected” delegates. This is not participatory democracy, it is controlled consensus.
When political dialogue is filtered through handpicked audiences, dissent is managed, not respected. Questions are curated and approval is pre-arranged.
A truly cerebral engagement is open, uncomfortable, and unpredictable. Anything else is political theatre wearing academic robes.

Arc. Ezekiel rejects “jamboree politics” and promises substance. Yet, his statement contains almost no concrete policy critique, no sectoral analysis, no measurable failures, no reform scorecards.
We hear about vision, alignment, philosophy, stability and capacity but nothing about budget performance, housing delivery outcomes, anti-corruption records, procurement transparency and social welfare indicators.

Without this, “issue-based politics” just becomes branding, not practice.

The most troubling aspect of this statement is not party-switching. In mature democracies, political realignment is normal. The problem is this; my brother was once perceived as independent, and now speaks entirely in establishment language.

Every phrase fits comfortably within the ruling party’s narrative, every doubt has disappeared and every tension has been resolved, conveniently.
This is not the evolution of thought, it is the domestication of dissent.

Arc. Ezekiel says he speaks for “his people.” Yet, there is no evidence that ordinary citizens in Ikot Ekpene or Akwa Ibom have mandated these endorsements.
Representation requires listening before speaking. Endorsement requires only proximity to power.
One builds democracy, tThe other consolidates hierarchy.

In conclusion, I concede that his statement is eloquent, carefully structured, intellectually styled and spiritually framed.
But it avoids the central moral question; how does one reconcile “integrity” with unquestioning alignment to a system many Nigerians experience as unjust, extractive, and unaccountable?

How does one claim “courage of conviction” while standing safely within the corridors of power?
How does one preach “accountability” without confronting failure?
Arc. Ezekiel’s statement is not evidence of political maturity, it simply shows political accommodation.

It reflects a familiar Nigerian tragedy; bright, thoughtful individuals who begin with ideals and end with justifications.

History will not judge leaders by how beautifully they defended power, it will judge them by whether they challenged it when it mattered.

And on that test, this statement falls painfully short.

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My brother, Dr. Ubani Monday Onyekachi’s commentary on the Electoral Amendment Bill 2026 (Electoral Amendment Bill 2026: Clarifying the Architecture of Electronic Transmission and Collation published on his Facebook page on 18 February 2026) is framed as institutional moderation. In substance, however, it functions as a carefully constructed apology for legal ambiguity in a system that has already demonstrated its capacity for abuse. What he presents as “pragmatism” is, in reality, a defence of structural weakness. What he calls “evolutionary reform” is, in practice, managed stagnation.

At a moment when Nigeria requires maximal electoral certainty, his intervention normalises discretion, vagueness, and institutional latitude; precisely the conditions under which electoral malpractice thrives.

The core of Ubani’s argument rests on the claim that allowing Form EC8A to override electronic transmission in cases of “communication failure” is a reasonable safeguard.

This is misleading.

In modern electoral governance, redundancy is acceptable only when it is automatic, objective, and independently verifiable. The Nigerian amendment meets none of these criteria.

Under the proposed framework communication failure” is undefined, the declaration of failure is discretionary, the fallback document is manually generated and the same local officials implicated in manipulation control the process.

This is not redundancy, it is institutionalised loophole engineering.

In a country where elections are routinely contested over altered result sheets, missing forms, and substituted figures, any system that allows manual documents to supersede digital records is inherently vulnerable. No amount of rhetorical reassurance can change that.

A serious reform would have made electronic transmission the exclusive legal record, with physical forms serving only as archival backups, not alternative authorities.

Ubani gestures vaguely at “telecommunications improvements” while still defending a manual override. This contradiction is revealing.

If infrastructure has improved sufficiently to justify electronic transmission, then it has improved sufficiently to eliminate manual supremacy. If it has not, then electronic transmission itself is premature.

You cannot logically defend both positions.

What the amendment actually reflects is political compromise; lawmakers unwilling to surrender the traditional mechanisms through which elections are negotiated after voting has ended.

Ubani’s principal “solution” is to urge INEC to clarify the ambiguities through guidelines.
This is constitutionally perverse.

In a democracy governed by law, fundamental electoral safeguards must be embedded in statute, not outsourced to regulators.

By deferring core definitions to the Independent National Electoral Commission, the legislature weakens judicial enforcement, expands bureaucratic discretion, and politicises administrative rule-making.

Guidelines can be revised quietly, statutes cannot.

If the National Assembly were serious about transparency, it would legislate exact timelines, objective failure thresholds, automatic audit trails, and independent verification triggers.

Its refusal to do so is not accidental, it is strategic.

Ubani repeatedly appeals to “operational vigilance” and party preparedness. This shifts responsibility from institutions to victims.

Well-designed systems do not rely on constant alertness, they reduce the scope for abuse.
In mature democracies, electoral integrity is achieved through automated validation, tamper-resistant architecture, and minimal human discretion.

Nigeria’s amendment moves in the opposite direction. It expands discretion while preaching vigilance.
That is governance by moral exhortation, not by engineering.

Ubani’s most important observation is almost treated as an aside; the dilution of Section 137 reforms on documentary evidence. This is not incidental, it is central.

The 2022 reform sought to align Nigerian electoral litigation with modern evidentiary standards. It recognised that digital records, certified documents, and system logs should be sufficient proof of irregularities.

Reverting to mass witness production favours wealthy litigants, punishes smaller parties, exhausts judicial timelines and privileges logistics over truth.

It is a regression designed to make electoral justice procedurally inaccessible. In effect, it shields fraud through exhaustion.

By downplaying this rollback, Ubani understates its systemic danger.

The most revealing part of Ubani’s article is his conclusion; Electoral reform is evolutionary and not revolutionary.”

This is a rhetorical shield for inertia.

Nigeria has been “evolving” electorally for over two decades. The same disputes recur, patterns persist and courts are overwhelmed.

Incrementalism is defensible only when it produces measurable progress. In this case, it produces managed ambiguity.

What is evolving is not integrity, it is the sophistication of manipulation.

Ubani frames assent as a technical issue, it is not.

If President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signs a bill that preserves manual override and weakens judicial review, he will be endorsing structural opacity.

Civil society’s opposition is not sentimental, it is institutional.
A president committed to democratic consolidation would insist on digital primacy, legal certainty and judicial accessibility.

Anything less is complicity.

Ubani praises “institutional movement.” But movement toward what? The amendment preserves discretionary control, retains manual dominance, weakens litigation reform, defers clarity, and expands contestability.

This is not reform. It is institutional self-preservation by the political class through controlled uncertainty.

The National Assembly of Nigeria has not resolved Nigeria’s electoral crisis, it has managed it.

The closing appeal to faith and hope is emotionally appealing. It is also politically dangerous.
Democracy does not survive on goodwill. It survives on predictable rules, enforceable rights, technological safeguards, and judicial accessibility.

Where these are weak, appeals to patriotism become instruments of pacification. Citizens are not obliged to “have faith” in flawed systems, they are entitled to demand better ones.

In conclusion, Dr. Ubani performs a familiar function in Nigerian public discourse; he reframes structural defects as reasonable compromises and treats citizen skepticism as excessive.
By doing so, it shifts attention away from why discretion remains entrenched, manual override persists, judicial reform is reversed, and clarity is avoided.

His analysis is technically literate but politically accommodating. It explains the system without challenging its incentives.

And that is precisely the problem.

A credible electoral reform in 2026 should have made electronic transmission legally supreme, eliminated discretionary “failure” declarations, strengthened documentary evidence rules, reduced human intervention and embedded transparency in statute.

This bill does none of these decisively.

Until it does, Nigerians are not witnessing evolution, they are witnessing the refinement of uncertainty.

And uncertainty, in Nigeria’s electoral history, has always served one constituency; those who benefit from disputed outcomes.

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